Dr Mahmood Kooria is an internationally acclaimed historian and researcher who recently won the Infosys award for social science research for his contributions to studies on Islam in the Indian Ocean region.  In an interview Dr Kooria, who is currently teaching at Edinburgh University, talks about the dynamic concept of Oceanic Islam, the historical cosmopolitanism of 16th-century Malabar, and the diversity of Islamic practices across the Indian Ocean region, among other things.

Q      You’ve researched Muslim communities across the Indian Ocean region, from the Philippines to Mozambique. What do you mean by “Maritime Islam”?

A: I prefer the term “Oceanic Islam” to “Maritime Islam.” “Maritime” is a technical term referring specifically to the sea, whereas “oceanic” encompasses the broader geography beyond the sea—the hinterland, the mountains, the products, and the cultures. For example, while the Western Ghats aren’t necessarily part of maritime history, they are very much part of oceanic history. Similarly, while Mughal historians might disagree, I believe even the Mughal Empire can be considered part of oceanic history, as many ideas, commodities and people who arrived by sea were central to Mughal history.

Building on this, Oceanic Islam explores the historical and cultural connections between Muslim communities in the Indian Ocean region. It encompasses the diverse experiences, traditions, and networks of Muslim communities living in coastal areas, islands, hinterlands, and port cities. This study highlights the significant role the ocean played in shaping Islamic practices, cultures, and identities. It also explores the role of merchants, travellers, and scholars in cultural exchange between Muslims and other communities, and how Islam itself was reinterpreted, adapted, and modified to accommodate the various cultures they encountered. It also explores the connections between Sufism, trade, and cultural exchange. Furthermore, I’m probing the complex identities that emerged from these interactions within the broad spectrum of Islamic faith. Broadly, you can see that most of the Muslims in the Indian Ocean region followed the Shafi’i school of Islamic law, while Muslim communities along the historical Silk Road largely followed the Hanafi school.

The differences between the Shafi’i and Hanafi schools are primarily doctrinal. Generally, those who followed Shafi’i law in the oceanic region tended to be more flexible in avenues such as maritime trade. However, we cannot say that one school was more accommodating or flexible in all walks of life. In fact, it was common for many Shafi’is to switch to the Hanafi school to navigate certain life crises, such as marriage. It wasn’t as rigidly compartmentalized as it’s often perceived today.

Q      Malabar or Kerala played a major role in shaping this history, and you’ve argued that 16th century Malabar was more cosmopolitan than it is today. What factors contributed to this cosmopolitanism, and how did it decline?

A: The cosmopolitanism of Malabar largely resulted from the brisk sea trade it maintained with nations across the globe.

For example, the Portuguese official Duarte Barbosa described Kozhikode in the early sixteenth century as a vibrant, cosmopolitan port city teeming with people from Persia, Khurasan, Yemen, Egypt, China, etc. Two centuries before him, according to Ibn Battuta, after Alexandria in Egypt, Kozhikode was the most impressive city in the world. That demographic diversity has become a thing of the past, as such extensive links no longer exist.

This cosmopolitanism wasn’t limited to trade alone. On an intellectual level, the tradition of knowledge exchange was very vibrant, with scholars from across the globe coming to Malabar to acquire knowledge, and native scholars traveling to different parts of the world in pursuit of knowledge. Ponnani was a major knowledge hub of the time. While Arabic served as the lingua franca, languages like Arabic-Malayalam were developed to facilitate interaction between natives and people of various nationalities. Arabic or Arabi-Malayalam wasn’t used exclusively by Muslims. Some of the letters sent by a Kerala ruler to the Portuguese king in the early sixteenth century were written in Arabic. Many centuries later, even Christian evangelists published the Gospel of Luke in Arabi-Malayalam, a copy of which has survived in Massachusetts in the US now. Similarly, many trade documents were also prepared in these language traditions.

There was a vibrant ulama community, where scholars were accepted as mainstream intellectuals, not just scholars of a particular religious community. Shaykh Zainuddin Makhdum’s Tuhfatul Mujahideen is considered the first systematic historical text dealing with Kerala society as a whole, not just the Muslim community.

The Portuguese intrusion and the subsequent changes in the sea trade, followed by British colonialism and oppressive measures after the 1921 rebellion, forced the Muslim religious scholars into the background and confined them to the theological sphere mainly.

Q       You’ve closely observed various Muslim communities across the Indian Ocean region and argue that there is “no single Islam” applicable to all Muslims. Could you elaborate on this?

A: As I mentioned earlier, the Muslim communities in the oceanic region largely follow the Shafi’i school of thought, which itself makes their ideas and practices distinct from many other Muslims. Even more, the Shafi’i Muslims in East Africa or Southeast Asia are very different from their counterparts in the Middle East. They have developed countless traditions and practices rooted in their own regional history and culture. While they all operate within the broad spectrum of Islam, the application of faith in their daily lives is deeply influenced by their local culture, which they have remarkably integrated with Islamic faith. Even further, there are so many internal differences among them as well. For example, in Negeri Sembilan, Malaysia, Muslim women go to the mosque without any restrictions, arguing that they do so because they follow the Shafi’i tradition. But in Kerala, those who also claim adherence to the Shafi’i school argue that such practice is against Islamic tradition.

In northern Mozambique, women go to the mosque almost every day, but not on Fridays. In some parts of Indonesia, women go to the mosque only for Friday congregations. Interestingly, all these communities follow the same Shafi’i school of thought. I have even visited mosques run exclusively by women. On one occasion in Mozambique, I was told that I was the first male to visit their mosque. These variations can be seen in other aspects of religious practice as well, and they demonstrate the plurality of Islamic traditions. Therefore, instead of seeing one version as standard or accurate, as social scientists we should analyse these historical pluralities among them.

I also aim to challenge the common perception that women did not travel much in the medieval world. We have ample evidence of women travelers across the globe. Some were pirates, some were scholars, and some even disguised themselves as men, as it was predominantly a masculine space. Yet, they still undertook long journeys across the world. For instance, in the twelfth century, a Spanish Muslim woman, born in China, traveled widely for her studies and career, visiting cities and regions that are now part of China, Iran, Iraq, Syria, and Egypt. She had many teachers, some of whom were women themselves, and many students, including reputed male scholars. All of this helps us challenge the myth of women’s limited mobility in the medieval centuries.

Q       In Kerala, the participation of women in public life remains a taboo for many Muslims. How do you view this contradiction?

A: I do not want to comment directly on this, but I will say this: For the last century, Muslims in Kerala have been compartmentalized by various power groups, especially religious organizations. These groups even control the personal choices and convictions of believers, regimenting them within their respective organizations. My personal experience in Muslim-majority countries in the Indian Ocean region is quite different. Nahdlatul Ulama of Indonesia, arguably the largest Muslim organization in the world, doesn’t interfere in the personal choices of believers. Members are free to choose their expression of Islam according to their convictions within the broader spectrum of Islamic belief. They do not have an issue with interfaith marriages within the community. People from different religions live together under one roof without any conflict. I’m not saying it’s universally common, but it doesn’t create conflict in public life. They attempt to interpret the concept of ahl al-kitab (People of the Book) to justify these marriages. The parents of Indonesia’s founding father, Sukarno, were arguably from different religions. I haven’t studied this practice in the African context.

Despite the educational and social advancement of Muslims in Kerala, the parochial approach to religion hasn’t changed with the times. I believe the religious leaders are not equipped to creatively respond to the dynamic changes happening around the world and influence the community in navigating the challenges presented by globalization. This is clearly evident in the way women are treated in society. The social life in India is still largely governed by masculine norms, yet our women have become more vibrant and adaptive to the changing world. Even in Kerala, the celebrated renaissance failed to adequately address the issue of gender equality. Our renaissance was predominantly masculine and didn’t bring about any drastic changes in the lives of women. This is not only the case of women, but also many other classes, castes and groups in the region.

Q      You’ve described Islam as a “historical process”. What do you mean by this, and how does this  challenge static interpretations of Islamic law and practice?

A: There is no single, monolithic version of Islam. Theologically people might disagree, but in history, there always have been so many different interpretations of what Islam meant for each person or group. People understand and practice the religion in their own ways, and each person can have their own justifications. It’s essentially a negotiation process. The noted anthropologist Talal Asad described Islam as a discursive tradition. This means Islam is characterized by diversity and debate, with Muslims engaging in ongoing discussions and disagreements about the meaning and application of Islamic principles. Islamic discourse is always contextual and historical, shaped by the social, cultural, and political contexts in which Muslims live. I prefer to approach it as a negotiation that a person makes with their own understanding of Islam, not necessarily concerned with the discourse. This process is not static but constantly evolving. Many things we believe and practice at one point in time may change as our understanding evolves. It’s an ongoing process, a negotiation toward becoming a better believer.

Q       How did colonialism contribute to the crystallization and homogenization of Islamic laws? How can we move towards a more nuanced and contextualized understanding of Islamic law?

A: Colonialism played a major role in the codification of Islamic laws, as colonial powers found them difficult to implement due to their inherent diversity.

They codified these laws for administrative convenience. Both the British and the Dutch attempted to codify Islamic law in the societies they colonized. In Indonesia, the Dutch prepared the Semarang Code, or Muharrar Code, in 1750. What the Dutch did in Indonesia, the British replicated in India by codifying the Sharia as Muhammadan Law, thereby limiting its scope for interpretation. But within the Sharia itself, there were numerous avenues for interpretations and negotiations. They also codified Hindu law, and this damaged its flexibility. The same thing happened to Sharia. It limited the plurality of the legal system. There were hundreds of schools of law among Muslims at one point in time, and over the years, these were reduced to four major schools. That doesn’t mean these interpretations ended with these four.

Q       You’ve extensively studied the matrilineal system among Muslim communities in the Indian Ocean. Muslims largely follow a patrilineal system of inheritance. How do you explain the existence of these two seemingly contradictory systems within the same community?

A: This is one of my major research areas, as there are various Muslim communities from Mozambique and Comoros to Indonesia and Malaysia practicing matrilineal systems. The long-held notion that the matrilineal system among Muslim families in Kerala was borrowed from the Nair community is incorrect. The system likely developed as a result of the role these communities played in oceanic interactions.

The system was prevalent among various Muslim communities, such as the Minangkabau in Indonesia, Negeri Sembilan in Malaysia, Akkaraipattu, Ampara, and Trincomalee in Sri Lanka, and in some pockets of the Maldives, Mozambique, Tanzania, and the Comoros. In some places, it still exists. It has contributed to the unique cultural and social dynamics of these communities. It demonstrates the diversity within Islamic communities, as they interpret and negotiate with religious texts. Muslim jurists insist that the deceased person must have complete ownership of property for it to be shared among their descendants. In many matrilineal societies, there is no individual ownership of property, and therefore it cannot be divided in this way. They transfer property as a collective asset through generations. So, the Quranic injunction of inheritance cannot be directly applied in these contexts.

Q       Do you think Islamic laws can coexist with advanced secular laws and remain relevant in today’s globalized world?

A: The purpose of any law is to bring some kind of order to society, and law itself is an evolving process. Islamic laws have evolved over the years, negotiating with various cultures and civilizations they’ve encountered over centuries. Globalization is not a new phenomenon either. Today, it has become more Western-oriented, but people were historically well connected across centuries. One of my research areas is global connections between 700-1700 AD, and Muslims were exposed to a globalized world long before what we call today’s globalization. There was an already modernized, globalized world centuries before Europe began to export its version of modernity. Afro-Eurasian countries were the major players in that earlier globalization. Jurists and scholars have interpreted the laws according to the needs of their time, and that they should continue to do so. Unless Islamic laws equip themselves and reinvent to face the challenges posed by living societies, those laws will become obsolete.

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